A Christmas miracle for the French government
Emmanuel Macron promised a new government by December 25 and it was nothing short of a Christmas miracle. When Macron dissolved the National Assembly back in June, he gambled that voter dissatisfaction would translate into more representatives in the lower house of parliament from his own party. Macron took a page right out of the playbook of France’s historical strongmen—Napoleon, Louis Napoleon, Mac Mahon, de Gaulle—who similarly turned to voters for support of their initiatives. At least Macron followed the constitution when he called for fresh elections. Many questioned the wisdom of his choice. With just a little over two years until his final term ends, time’s running out for Macron to turn around public opinion and assure a positive legacy to his presidency.
It was a gamble that didn’t pay. Instead of returning more representatives to expand support for his policies, the center caved in. Marine Le Pen’s far-right party sent the highest number of representatives to the National Assembly in a first for the Fifth Republic. Macron responded by naming a prime minister from the more moderate right, Michel Barnier, who appealed to no one. The left and far-left parties, which also saw gains in the latest legislative elections, were furious for not getting more seats at the council of ministers’ table. When a budget bill came up in the chamber last month, they called for a vote of no confidence in the prime minister. With no majority party backing him, Barnier became the shortest-serving prime minister of the Fifth Republic, another historical first.
Is Macron chastened by the whole affair? Perhaps, but it doesn’t show. A returning cast of characters, most of whom are seasoned public officials, including François Bayrou, the new prime minister. Also joining the government are some holdovers from the current cabinet. The French ‘government’ is roughly analogous to the American president’s administration. And by comparison, what’s transpiring in France at least demonstrates a certain strength of the French constitution. It has withstood the machinations of a president whose ambition tops his skill. And although it looks like the government has a revolving door of ministers in the late Macron presidency, it’s a least a door to a representative government.
Meanwhile, Americans are gearing up for a new presidential cabinet that’s beginning to look more like a country club. Trump’s picks so far include fellow billionaires whose ideals of public service are how to make the public work for the private sector. No government experience necessary seems like the surest qualification. Not even ethics violations or criminal allegations are a problem. So long as you can pay to play, and play up to Trump’s ego, you’ve got a shot at being one of the president’s men or women. And let’s face it, it’s mostly men.
The process by which Trump is planning to get who he wants in the administration is questionable, but also constitutional. Even if he uses recess appointments to get around any senators who merely suggest questioning the qualifications of his nominees, it passes constitutional muster. But it’s not representative of the American people. The incoming Trump administration will be a crew more at home at Mar-a-Lago, or prison, than in the White House.
In France, the new government might not be perfect. And with any luck, it’ll last at least until next Christmas. However, it represents the French people better than what Americans can expect in the next Trump administration.